PEOPLE ARE AFRAID.
The government needs to know how afraid people are….it is not enough to respond with what sounds like a mixture of
“This is the last government’s legacy”
And
“We would like to do more, but just wait until the economy
recovers a bit.”
These words taken from an article from the NEW STATESMAN, a month before the London Riots, were written by Dr. Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The article contains several observations relevant to Europe and ourselves so the following extracts may help us to find a way to calm the general fear about the future.
1. THE POLITICAL DEBATE.
The political debate at the moment feels pretty stuck. An idea whose roots are firmly in a particular strand of associational socialism has been adopted enthusiastically by the Conservatives.
The widespread suspicion that this has been done for opportunistic or money-saving reasons allows many to dismiss what there is of a programme for “big society” ( or in Catalonia “la casa
gran“) initiatives; even the term has fast become painfully stale. But we are still waiting for a full and robust account of what the left would do differently and what a left-inspired version of localism (districts and neighbourhoods) might look like.
2. DEMOCRACY ITSELF.
Digging a bit deeper, there are a good many on the left and right who sense that the tectonic plates of British–European?–politics are shifting. Managerial politics, attempting with shrinking success to negotiate life in the shadow of big finance, is not an attractive rallying point, whether it labels itself (New) Labour or Conservative.
There is, in the middle of a lot of confusion, an increasingly audible plea for some basic thinking about democracy itself—and the urgency of this is underlined by what is happening in the Middle East and North Africa.
3. BAFFLEMENT AND INDIGNATION.
Over the present government’s proposals for reform in health and education there is bafflement and indignation. With remarkable speed, we are being committed to radical, long-term policies for which no one voted. At the very least, there is an understandable anxiety about what democracy means in such a context. Not many people want government by plebiscite, certainly. But, for example, the comprehensive reworking of the Education Act 1944 that is now going forward might well be regarded as a proper matter for open probing in the context of election debates.
The anxiety and anger have to do with the feeling that not enough has been exposed to proper public argument.
4. SOCIAL RESPONSABILITIES.
If civil society organisations are going to have to pick up responsibilities shed by government, the crucial questions are these:
FIRST QUESTION, what services must have cast-iron guarantees of nationwide standards, parity and continuity? (Look at what is happening to youth services, surely a strategic priority.)
SECOND QUESTION, how, therefore, does national government underwrite these strategic “absolutes” so as to make sure that, even in a straitened financial climate, there is a continuing investment in the long term, a continuing response to what most would see as root issues: child poverty, poor literacy, the deficit in access to educational excellence, sustainable infrastructure in poorer communities (rural as well as urban), and so on?
THIRD QUESTION, what is too important to be left to even the most resourceful localism? (Civil society)
It is natural that the Archbishop of Canterbury should claim an ironic satisfaction in the way several political thinkers today are quarrying theological traditions for ways forward. So let us listen to his own words as he brings his article to a conclusion.
5. THE ETHICAL QUESTION. Religious perspectives on these issues have often got bogged down in varieties of paternalism. But there is another theological strand to be retrieved that is not about “the poor” as objects of kindness but about the nature of sustainable community, seeing it as one in which what circulates—like the flow of blood—is the mutual creation of capacity, building the ability of the other person or group to become, in turn, a giver of life and responsibility.
Perhaps surprisingly, this is what is at the heart of St Paul’s ideas about community at its fullest; community, in his terms, as God wants to see it.
A democracy that would measure up to this sort of ideal –religious in its roots but not exclusive or confessional –would be one in which the central question about any policy would be: how far does it equip a person or group to engage generously and for a long term in building the resourcefulness and well-being of any other person or group, with the state seen as a “community of communities”, to use a phrase popular among syndicalists of an earlier generation?
A democracy going beyond populism or majoritarianism but also beyond a Balkanised focus on the local that fixed in stone a variety of postcode lotteries; a democracy capable of real argument about shared needs and hopes and real generosity.
ANY TAKERS?
Layout adapted from the original article in the Newstatesman. See original : newstatesman.com/leader

